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   Since Indiafs independence from Britain in 1947, the status of English in India has been deeply political@entwined with questions of identity, power, and national direction.

Today, English is one of several official languages in India, spoken by about 10% of the population. Hindi is the first language for around 44% of citizens, according to the 2011 census.
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But in recent years, Modifs BJP has placed particular emphasis on promoting Hindi and reducing the use of English in public life.

The prime minister almost never delivers speeches in English, preferring Hindi for national addresses such as his monthly radio program. His administration has encouraged officials to use Hindi on social media and in government correspondence@though, after criticism from non-Hindi-speaking states, clarified that this was intended mainly for the Hindi belt in the north.
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When India hosted world leaders for the 2023 G20 summit in New Delhi, invitations were sent out from gBharath@the Sanskrit or Hindi name for the country@instead of gIndia,h fueling speculation that the government aims to ultimately phase out the countryfs English designation altogether.

Modifs critics have been quick to note his political motives behind these moves.

With its roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing organization that advocates Hindu hegemony within India, the BJPfs language policies resonate with many in a country where nearly 80% of people are Hindu.

Analysts say the BJP is seeking to capitalize on this demographic by promoting language policies that strengthen its support base in the north.

According to Rita Kothari, an English professor from Ashoka University, the government gis certainly interested in homogenizing the country and making Hindi more widespread.h

But that policy can also backfire@in part because many regions, such as Marathi-speaking Maharashtra in the west@are staunchly proud of their local language.

The violent clashes in the statefs megacity Mumbai earlier this month were sparked by the regional governmentfs controversial decision to make Hindi a compulsory third language in public primary schools.

Pushback and protest has also been especially strong in the south, where English and regional languages such as Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada are valued as symbols of local identity and autonomy.
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   Itfs no secret how President Donald Trump feels about sports teams turning away from Native American mascots. Hefs repeatedly called for the return of the Washington Redskins and Cleveland Indians, claiming their recent rebrands were part of a gwokeh agenda designed to erase history.

But one surprising team has really gotten the presidentfs attention: the Massapequa Chiefs.

The Long Island school district has refused to change its logo and name under a mandate from New York state banning schools from using team mascots appropriating Indigenous culture. Schools were given two years to rebrand, but Massapequa is the lone holdout, having missed the June 30 deadline to debut a new logo.
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The district lost an initial lawsuit it filed against the state but now has the federal government on its side. In May, Trumpfs Department of Education intervened on the districtfs behalf, claiming the statefs mascot ban is itself discriminatory.

Massapequafs Chiefs logo@an American Indian wearing a yellow feathered headdress@is expected to still be prominently displayed when the fall sports season kicks off soon, putting the quiet Long Island hamlet at the center of a political firestorm.
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The district is now a key gbattleground,h said Oliver Roberts, a Massapequa alum and the lawyer representing the school board in its fresh lawsuit against New York claiming that the ban is unconstitutional and discriminatory.

The Trump administration claims New Yorkfs mascot ban violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal funds from engaging in discriminatory behavior based on race, color or national origin@teeing up a potentially precedent-setting fight.

The intervention on behalf of Massapequa follows a pattern for a White House that has aggressively applied civil rights protections to police greverse discriminationh and coerced schools and universities into policy concessions by withholding federal funds.

gOur goal is to assist nationally,h Roberts said. gItfs us putting forward our time and effort to try and assist with this national movement and push back against the woke bureaucrats trying to cancel our countryfs history and tradition.h
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   When Hussain AlMoosawi arrived home, he didnft recognize anything.

The Emirati photographer, who had spent eight years studying in Australia, returned to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2013. Hefd missed a real estate boom of dizzying proportions: not just new buildings, but new districts.
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More than that, the buildings of his childhood were disappearing, replaced by shiny new skyscrapers.

But for AlMoosawi, these international icons were not the urban fabric of his home: it was the oft-overlooked, mid-century office towers and residential blocks squeezed between new highways and overshadowed by luxury developments that felt most familiar.

It sparked a desire to gunderstand the urban context of the UAE,h and AlMoosawi set out to meticulously document and capture these underappreciated buildings, gand reimagine the city as if it were the e80s, the time when I was born.h
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Initially focusing on industrial landscapes, temporary structures and air conditioning units, he began to notice symmetry in many of the buildings he was photographing, inspiring his current project: facades.

gFacades are like a face,h said AlMoosawi. gItfs something that people connect with.h

His bold, geometric images strip away context to spotlight the character and diversity of everyday buildings. Using a telephoto lens to shoot close-ups from the ground or elevated positions, AlMoosawi carefully frames out distractions and sometimes removes minor obstructions like lampposts in post-processing.

So far, the 41-year-old, who is editor-in-chief for National Geographic AlArabiya Magazine, has photographed over 600 building?s across the UAE, and next year hopes to complete his collection in Abu Dhabi, where he lives.

In the long term, he hopes to turn the glifetime projecth into an interactive archive that both preserves urban heritage and invites viewers to rediscover their own city.

gOur cities arenft big, in terms of scale, compared to many other cities,h said AlMoosawi. gBut then they have a story to tell, they have things between the lines that we donft see, and my quest is to see these things.h
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Analysis: Zelensky
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   He has had more cordial, more productive, meetings with US President Donald Trump since that now-notorious encounter on February 28.
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But for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, todayfs meeting at the White House will surely trigger awkward memories of that very public clash with the US President almost six months ago. Navigating the treacherous waters in which he finds himself today will be no easier.
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Increasingly, it appears likely he will be told to give up land in exchange for some sort of security guarantees.

The land side of that gdealh will be obvious. It can be drawn on a map. Crimea: gone, says Trump. Donetsk: give all of it up, says Putin, apparently with Trumpfs blessing.

But the security guarantees? Thatfs where far more challenging ideas, like credibility, come into play. Could Zelensky rely on the US to deliver on some NATO Article 5-type promise, to defend Ukraine if Russia breaches any peace agreement?

Putin himself might even see an opportunity to further weaken the West, by testing any such guarantees, confident they are a bluff he could call. But all that would be for the future.

For now, it looks like Zelensky will have to weigh up whether he could bring his country with him if he were to cede territory to Russia@some of it still in Ukrainian hands@or whether he and his people could bear the costs of potentially defying Trump a Nobel Peace Prize, and say no.

If he chose the latter, would the US President immediately end all remaining American support for Ukraine, in terms of military aid and intelligence sharing, for instance?

If that happened, to what extent could Zelenskyfs European allies really step in and fill in the gaps left by any full US retreat?

It is an almost impossibly hard choice before him.
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   He has had more cordial, more productive, meetings with US President Donald Trump since that now-notorious encounter on February 28.
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But for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, todayfs meeting at the White House will surely trigger awkward memories of that very public clash with the US President almost six months ago. Navigating the treacherous waters in which he finds himself today will be no easier.
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Increasingly, it appears likely he will be told to give up land in exchange for some sort of security guarantees.

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But the security guarantees? Thatfs where far more challenging ideas, like credibility, come into play. Could Zelensky rely on the US to deliver on some NATO Article 5-type promise, to defend Ukraine if Russia breaches any peace agreement?

Putin himself might even see an opportunity to further weaken the West, by testing any such guarantees, confident they are a bluff he could call. But all that would be for the future.

For now, it looks like Zelensky will have to weigh up whether he could bring his country with him if he were to cede territory to Russia@some of it still in Ukrainian hands@or whether he and his people could bear the costs of potentially defying Trump a Nobel Peace Prize, and say no.

If he chose the latter, would the US President immediately end all remaining American support for Ukraine, in terms of military aid and intelligence sharing, for instance?

If that happened, to what extent could Zelenskyfs European allies really step in and fill in the gaps left by any full US retreat?

It is an almost impossibly hard choice before him.
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