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   He has had more cordial, more productive, meetings with US President Donald Trump since that now-notorious encounter on February 28.
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But for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, today’s meeting at the White House will surely trigger awkward memories of that very public clash with the US President almost six months ago. Navigating the treacherous waters in which he finds himself today will be no easier.
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Increasingly, it appears likely he will be told to give up land in exchange for some sort of security guarantees.

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But the security guarantees? That’s where far more challenging ideas, like credibility, come into play. Could Zelensky rely on the US to deliver on some NATO Article 5-type promise, to defend Ukraine if Russia breaches any peace agreement?

Putin himself might even see an opportunity to further weaken the West, by testing any such guarantees, confident they are a bluff he could call. But all that would be for the future.

For now, it looks like Zelensky will have to weigh up whether he could bring his country with him if he were to cede territory to Russia some of it still in Ukrainian hands or whether he and his people could bear the costs of potentially defying Trump a Nobel Peace Prize, and say no.

If he chose the latter, would the US President immediately end all remaining American support for Ukraine, in terms of military aid and intelligence sharing, for instance?

If that happened, to what extent could Zelensky’s European allies really step in and fill in the gaps left by any full US retreat?

It is an almost impossibly hard choice before him.
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   Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky condemned Russian attacks on the Ukrainian regions of Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia and Sumy on Monday, saying that the Kremlin intends to “humiliate diplomatic efforts” just hours before European leaders visit the White House.
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“The Russian war machine continues to destroy lives despite everything,” Zelensky said in a statement, hours before he’s due to meet US President Donald Trump in the Oval Office. “That is precisely why we are seeking assistance to put an end to the killings. That is why reliable security guarantees are required. That is why Russia should not be rewarded for its participation in this war.”
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“Everyone seeks dignified peace and true security,” the Ukrainian president said. “And at this very moment, the Russians are attacking Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, the Sumy region, and Odesa, destroying residential buildings and our civilian infrastructure.”

At least seven people were killed in Russia’s attack? on Kharkiv and a further three killed in the ballistic missile strike on the city of Zaporizhzhia, with scores more injured, according to Ukrainian authorities.

“This was a demonstrative and cynical Russian strike,” Zelensky added.
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   When British traders landed on India’s shores in the 1600s, they arrived in search of spices and silk but stayed for centuries leaving behind a legacy that would shape the nation long after their colonial exploitation ended: the English language.

Over the centuries, English seeped into the very fabric of Indian life first as a tool of commerce, then as the language of law and, eventually, a marker of privilege.
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Now, after more than a decade of Hindu-nationalist rule, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is mounting perhaps the most significant challenge yet to the language’s place in India.

“Those who speak English will soon feel ashamed,” Home Minister Amit Shah said last month, igniting a heated debate about national identity and social mobility in the polyglot nation of 1.4 billion.

While Shah did not mention India’s former colonial masters, he declared that “the languages of our country are the jewels of our culture” and that without them, “we cease to be truly Indian.”
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Spoken behind the walls of colonial forts and offices, English in India was at first the language of ledgers and treaties.

But as British rule expanded from the ports of Gujarat to the palaces of Delhi, it became the lingua franca of the colonial elite.

At independence, India faced a dilemma. With hundreds of languages and dialects spoken across its vast landscape, its newly appointed leaders grappled with the question of which one should represent the new nation.

Hindi, the predominant language in the north, was put forward as a candidate for official language.

But strong resistance from non-Hindi-speaking regions especially in the south meant English would remain only as a temporary link to unite the country. It’s a legacy that endures to this day and still rankles some.

“I subscribe to the view that English is the language of the colonial masters,” Pradeep Bahirwani, a retired corporate executive from the southern city of Bengaluru, said, adding: “Our national language should be a language which… has got roots in India.”
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   He has had more cordial, more productive, meetings with US President Donald Trump since that now-notorious encounter on February 28.
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But for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, today’s meeting at the White House will surely trigger awkward memories of that very public clash with the US President almost six months ago. Navigating the treacherous waters in which he finds himself today will be no easier.
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But the security guarantees? That’s where far more challenging ideas, like credibility, come into play. Could Zelensky rely on the US to deliver on some NATO Article 5-type promise, to defend Ukraine if Russia breaches any peace agreement?

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If that happened, to what extent could Zelensky’s European allies really step in and fill in the gaps left by any full US retreat?

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